On the occasion of a recent road trip to the Western Balkans, Mariannella Kloka and Efi Pavlogergatou interview the journalist Milka Tadić Mijović about Montenegro’s past and present. Milka Tadić Mijović became internationally known as an activist during the turbulent transition period in Southeastern Europe. She is one of the co-founders of the weekly Monitor, Montenegro’s first private and independent weekly magazine (1990). During the 1990s, she was actively involved in the anti-war movement. The published photos from Kotor, Montenegro are taken by Rena Xirofotou.
During our recent trip to Budva and Kotor, we were captivated by indescribable natural beauty but also taken aback by over-tourism. Has it always been the case?
No, it hasn’t. In the past, particularly during Montenegro’s time as part of Yugoslavia under Josip Broz Tito, the country enjoyed substantial revenue from tourism. The number of tourists was significantly lower due to the coastline being less developed, with fewer hotels and private rental apartments available. Nevertheless, the tourists were high-value travelers, primarily from Western Europe, with Germans and Scandinavians making up the majority. Unfortunately, the thirty-year autocratic government that followed the breakup of Yugoslavia prioritized economic development through mass tourism and large-scale construction. This approach resulted in environmental degradation, particularly along certain coastal areas, and contributed to a decline in the quality of tourism. All of this hampers the overall development of Montenegro, given that tourism is the dominant sector of its economy.
Are there any grass-roots movements opposing excessive tourism development and mass tourism?
There is still insufficient awareness in society about the problems associated with this type of tourism, particularly regarding sustainable development, environmental impact, climate change, and the well-being of residents. There is also a lack of awareness that, if these trends persist, future generations will inherit a devastated coastline and degraded land. However, some civil society organizations, activists, and experts are warning that mass tourism is both disastrous and unsustainable, particularly for small countries like Montenegro. I believe that, as has happened in other countries grappling with this issue, similar movements will emerge in our country advocating for a return to sustainable practices.
Kotor, Montenegro, photo by Rena Xirofotou.
Montenegro transitioned to independence with relative ease. After eighteen years, what are the positive and negative aspects of this new state?
Montenegro’s independence from Serbia was a positive development, as the relationship between Belgrade and Podgorica was fraught with dysfunction and friction. Additionally, Montenegro’s commitment to European integration and its goal of joining the European Union represents a significant step forward. However, several issues persist. For a long time, Montenegro was governed autocratically, with the regime controlling the majority aspects of society, from the judiciary to the economy. This government maintained monopolies in various sectors, stifled competition, and through privatization, transferred social wealth into the hands of a few oligarchs close to the political elite led by long-time leader Milo Đukanović. The criminal network in Montenegro also expanded, with major drug clans involved in the cocaine trade connected to political, police, and judicial structures. Although the government changed in 2020, Montenegro has yet to achieve a functional democracy. The new political leadership has been accused of using old methods to consolidate power, rather than pursuing genuine societal transformation.
We were surprised to learn that Montenegro is the only Balkan country that, despite not being a member of the eurozone, uses the euro as its currency. Has this choice bolstered the national economy, or has it made purchasing goods more challenging for Montenegrins?
Montenegro’s decision to switch to the German mark while still in union with Milošević’s Serbia was wise. At that time, the Serbian government controlled the dinar, which was the common currency, and Montenegro did not influence monetary policy or currency issuance. This lack of control further threatened Montenegro’s already fragile economy. Transitioning to the German mark was essential for stability, and when the European Union adopted the euro, Montenegro followed. This has been beneficial, as the euro is generally considered a stable currency. However, it also presents certain limitations; the Central Bank of Montenegro cannot issue currency, and influence some economic conditions. Despite these limitations, Montenegrins have long adjusted to the euro, and its stability is especially valued given the past instability of the dinar.
Photo by Rena Xirofotou.
Considering the 2019 Law on Regulating Church Issues, how do you view the current state of relations between Montenegro and Serbia?
Relations with Serbia have been complex and often strained since the breakup of Yugoslavia, largely due to Serbia’s attempts to dominate and subjugate Montenegro. This dynamic continues, particularly under Aleksandar Vučić’s leadership, who exerts influence over part of the Montenegrin political elite that are pro-Serbian and pro-Russian. Additionally, Serbia’s control over some media and the substantial presence of the Serbian Orthodox Church—its clergy, followers, and resources—further complicate the situation. Montenegro, with its small population, economic underdevelopment, and less mature democratic institutions, struggles to counter these external influences, which have persisted throughout its history. To ensure stability, Montenegro must cultivate positive relationships with regional neighbors while safeguarding its autonomy and independence. Strengthening internal institutions, improving the economy, and reinforcing the rule of law are essential for navigating these challenging relations and protecting the interests of Montenegro and its citizens.
How do the Montenegrin government and its population respond to migration flows from the Balkan route, considering the recent history of the Balkan wars?
Most foreigners arriving in Montenegro come from Russia, Ukraine, and Turkey, with fewer migrants from Africa and Asia using the Balkan route. Those from Africa and Asia generally pass through Montenegro on their way to Western Europe rather than staying. At one point, following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Russians and Ukrainians constituted nearly 20 percent of the local population, while Turks made up about 5 percent. Many of these individuals fled the war, and a significant number are here due to their opposition to the policies of Putin and Erdogan. They are actively working to establish new lives, either by starting their own businesses or working for international companies, particularly in the IT sector, rather than for local businesses.
Both the government and citizens of Montenegro are generally welcoming, especially towards Russians and Ukrainians. This openness stems from Montenegro’s history of receiving refugees from the former Yugoslavia during the wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. I am proud that my country upholds a spirit of understanding and empathy toward refugees.
However, Montenegro faces a major challenge with the ongoing outflow of its population. Over the past few decades, an estimated 100,000 Montenegrins have left this small country, which has a population of just over 620,000. Additionally, unstable economic and political conditions have led to a significant decline in the birth rate. Unfortunately, the government has not adequately addressed these critical issues and has done little to create conditions that encourage people to stay.
Short CV Milka Tadic Mijovic
Milka Tadić Mijović is a journalist, media executive, and international civic activist during the turbulent transition era in Southeast Europe. She is one of the co-founders of the weekly Monitor, the first Montenegrin private and independent weekly magazine (1990).
During the ‘90s, she was actively engaged in the antiwar movement.
Tadić Mijović was the first journalist dismissed from a job in Montenegro for articles critical of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic’s nationalistic policies. Her articles defending peace and ethnic minorities and combating corruption have received awards and have been translated and quoted by the New York Times, the Economist, and other publications.
She was threatened in her country for speaking against corruption and other government wrongdoings. For this, Tadic Mijovic has been identified in the first ever list of “100 Information Heroes” by Reporters without Borders (https://rsf.org/en/hero/milka-tadic-mijovic).
Tadić Mijović served on the Open Society Foundations board in Montenegro, on the Council of Europe Steering Committee on the Mass Media, and as a member of the Joint Commission on Media Policy of the Duke University & the City of Vienna. She holds a Master’s degree in political science and journalism from the University of Montenegro, and a Bachelor’s degree in political science from the University of Belgrade.
Tadic MIjovic is president of Centre for Investigative Journalism of Montenegro. She is now focused on topics related to high-level corruption, rule of law, freedom of media and destruction of the nature in her native Montenegro and the Balkans.
